[Mb-civic] The Freedom to Describe Dictatorship - Jackson Diehl - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Mon Mar 27 03:48:36 PST 2006
The Freedom to Describe Dictatorship
<>
By Jackson Diehl
The Washington Post
Monday, March 27, 2006; A15
Following the first day of Egypt's deeply flawed parliamentary election
last November, the country's largest newspaper, the state-controlled
al-Ahram, appeared with an equally flawed headline: "The Fairest
Parliamentary Elections in 50 Years." Its sister, al-Gumhuriya,
proclaimed to its readers that "Egyptians Spoke Yesterday -- They Chose
True Democracy Rather Than Slogans and Heeded President Hosni Mubarak's
Call."
But for the first time in the 24 years of Mubarak's rule, there was
another voice that day on the newsstands. The newspaper al-Masri al-Yom,
or the Daily Egyptian, reported "death threats, bribes, violence and
partisan security forces." It said that "the elections were marred by
irregularities and violations carried out by a large number of
[Mubarak's] National Democratic Party and independent candidates and
their militias, which prevented people from entering polling stations."
This was no more or less than the truth. But the fact that it was
published in Cairo, and in Arabic -- and that the newspaper's publisher
remains a free man who can travel to Washington and talk about it -- is
perhaps the strongest single sign that Egypt's stifling and stagnant
autocracy has begun to unravel. "Egyptians have discovered dissent,"
says Hisham Kassem, the stocky, graying and once-lonely liberal who
created al-Masri al-Yom. "And it's no longer possible for the regime to
manage information in the old ways."
Kassem is actually pretty pessimistic about where Mubarak is taking
Egypt in the short term. But, before we get to that, it's worth
marveling at the mini-revolution his paper has wrought. Until two years
ago Egyptian media consisted of official organs such as al-Ahram, whose
editors are appointed by Mubarak and routinely order up headlines like
those above, and an "opposition" press that specialized in slanders
against Israel, the Jewish people, the United States, Western culture --
anything other than Mubarak. Ten years ago this spring, the biggest
story in Egypt, thanks to such media, was the allegation that Israel was
trying to corrupt Egyptian women by distributing chewing gum that
created irresistible sexual urges.
"From 1993 to 2003 Mubarak was criticized once," Kassem told me last
week. "He closed down the newspaper, as well as the political party that
published it." Kassem himself published a spirited paper called the
Cairo Times, but it was in English and appeared only weekly.
In 2003 he was approached by a group of businessmen who proposed to
start a new daily and asked Kassem to run it. He agreed, on condition
that he be allowed to create "a paper of record," with objective
reporting, no sensationalism -- and no self-censorship. "I said we would
cover human rights and civil liberties on the front page," Kassem says.
"I said, 'Enough xenophobia. Anyone who wants to destroy Israel can join
the jihad. And I want to be the oldest person in the paper.' " (He's 46.)
Al-Masri al-Yom was launched in June 2004. Though the first months were
rocky, the paper took off as Mubarak opened his campaign for another
term as president a year ago. Early on, it covered an anti-Mubarak
protest with the once-unthinkable headline, "Angry Demonstrations Demand
Information on President's Health." The next day Kassem brushed off the
inevitable threats from the mukhabarat , or state security, and never
looked back. In the past year the paper's daily circulation has grown
from 3,000 to a peak of 40,000. Meanwhile, other opposition papers are
springing up, including several that attack Mubarak so unmercifully that
even Kassem is put off.
How did this space for press freedom open? Kassem doesn't hedge: "U.S.
pressure on the Mubarak regime has been the catalyst for most of the
change we have seen," he said. He traces the turning point to an April
2004 summit between Mubarak and President Bush in Crawford, Tex., at
which the aging Egyptian strongman heard for the first time from an
American president that political liberalization would be necessary to
maintain good relations. After stalling a few months in the hope that
Bush would lose the 2004 election, Mubarak reluctantly concluded that he
must take some visible steps, Kassem says. One was the allowance of
greater press freedom; another was the conversion of his reelection from
a referendum into a multi-candidate competition.
The problem, Kassem says, is that once his reelection was secured and
accepted by Washington, Mubarak froze the reforms. Though he promised a
long list of political and economic liberalizations before the election,
not one has been implemented in the six months since. Instead, Mubarak
has imprisoned his chief liberal opponent, Ayman Nour, on bogus criminal
charges; postponed scheduled municipal elections; and refused to
legalize the centrist political parties that might provide an
alternative to his regime and the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood.
Kassem says he fears the 77-year-old president plans to die in office
without leaving either a successor or a democratic mechanism for
choosing one.
Ask him for a remedy, and once again he doesn't hedge. "The United
States has to continue pressuring," he says. "We're all willing to
accept a controlled process of reform under Mubarak. But leave him alone
and he won't do it."
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/26/AR2006032600879.html?nav=hcmodule
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