[Mb-civic] The GOP's Shrinking Middle - E. J. Dionne - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Tue Mar 21 03:53:56 PST 2006
The GOP's Shrinking Middle
By E. J. Dionne Jr.
The Washington Post
Tuesday, March 21, 2006; A17
Members of Congress retire all the time, but some retirements are
leading indicators of the direction of our politics. Rep. Sherwood
Boehlert's announcement last week to call it quits matters, and in a
depressing way.
The affable 69-year-old New York Republican is one of the last of a
breed: a liberal Republican, though he calls himself a "moderate" and
has the record to prove it. Boehlert's departure does not leave the
House bereft of liberal Republicans -- Rep. Jim Leach of Iowa is more
liberal than Boehlert. But Leach, alas, is an outlier. The spotted owl
is in good shape compared with liberal Republicans.
Boehlert chose to retire in the year when National Journal, the
political world's answer to Sports Illustrated, featured him as the
ultimate "Down the Middle" guy. In its Feb. 25 issue, the magazine
published its annual ratings, which showed that Boehlert's votes were
more liberal than those of 52.2 percent of House members and more
conservative than 47.8 percent. Boehlert's district includes the
Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown, and it's hard to move the ball
more to the middle of the plate than he does.
It's been downhill for his brand of Republicanism from the moment he set
foot in Washington as a congressional staffer in 1964. That's the year
Barry Goldwater won the Republican presidential nomination and the great
flight of the Republican liberals began.
After Goldwater's landslide defeat, two Republican progressives who
later became conservatives, George Gilder and Bruce Chapman, wrote a
brilliant book called "The Party That Lost Its Head," detailing how and
why the party's liberal wing responded so anemically to the conservative
challenge. But it was too late. The party of Abraham Lincoln and
Theodore Roosevelt was destined to become an annex of the conservative
movement.
Boehlert has always been unabashed in embracing his liberal roots. Over
breakfast on a sunny summer morning in Cooperstown five years ago,
Boehlert embraced two of the most progressive politicians of his
lifetime. "People say to me: 'Why are you the kind of Republican you
are?' Because in my formative political years, when I was coming up in
New York, my governor was Nelson A. Rockefeller and my senator was Jacob
K. Javits."
Why does the decline and fall of liberal Republicanism matter? After
all, rationalizing the political system into a more conservative GOP and
a more-or-less liberal Democratic Party makes the alternatives clearer
to voters, who are offered, in Goldwater's famous phrase, "a choice, not
an echo."
But it turns out that a Republican Party dominated by conservatives is
no more coherent than the party that left room for progressives. The
huge budget deficit is conservatism's Waterloo, testimony to its
political failure. The conservatives love to cut taxes but can't square
their lust for tax reduction with plausible spending cuts. Oh, yes, a
group of House conservatives has a paper plan involving deep program
cuts, but other conservatives know that these cuts will not pass, and
shouldn't.
Paradoxically, because the liberal Republicans didn't pretend to hate
government, they were better at fiscal responsibility. They were willing
to match their desired spending levels with the taxes to pay for them.
It didn't make for exciting, to-the-barricades politics. It merely
produced good government.
Boehlert, being an optimist by nature, was always ready to declare that
the "moderates' moment" had finally arrived. Last November, after I had
written a column taking some moderate Republicans to task for backing
the outrageous budget bill that passed under the cover of darkness at
1:30 a.m., there was Boehlert on the phone insisting that he and fellow
moderate Mike Castle (R-Del.) had wrung some important concessions out
of the House leadership. Maybe so, I replied, but I had a higher opinion
of moderate Republicans and expected more of them than that lousy budget
bill.
The problem may be that Boehlert and Castle did get as much as they
could, given the numerical weakness of their variety of Republicanism,
but that's not good enough. I suspect Boehlert knows this. Absent a
robust progressive wing, congressional Republicans will continue to
produce fiscally incoherent government. Democrats now have the task of
representing their own brand of politics, and that of progressive
Republicans, too.
I'll miss Boehlert and his optimistic moderation. Our politics worked
better when a sufficiently large band of Republican moderates and
liberals could take the edge off polarization and orient government
toward problem-solving. But the liberal Republicans are gone. We have to
deal with the GOP we have, not the GOP we wish still existed.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/20/AR2006032001418.html?nav=hcmodule
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