[Mb-civic] A Leaner, Meaner Military - Newt Gingrich - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Sat Mar 4 05:57:31 PST 2006
A Leaner, Meaner Military
By Newt Gingrich
Saturday, March 4, 2006; A17
The Post's Feb. 13 editorial "Mr. Rumsfeld's Flawed Vision" managed to
miss the major achievements of a remarkable Quadrennial Defense Review
(QDR). This was the most thorough and systematically managed review in
Pentagon history. The review board, co-chaired by Deputy Defense
Secretary Gordon England and Adm. Edmund Giambastiani, spent half a year
forcing changes in a complex bureaucratic system famous for its ability
to hide and wait for the current civilian leadership to disappear so it
can continue its old, comfortable ways. Only by sheer force of will has
the senior leadership, under the direction of Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld and Gen. Peter Pace, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
muscled through substantial and historic change in the Defense Department.
This effort to craft a change-oriented QDR has to be seen in the larger
context of change throughout the Defense Department. The fact that Gen.
Peter Schoomaker was brought out of retirement to impose Rumsfeld's
vision on a reluctant Army is the best example of the determined,
systematic change involved. Schoomaker has become the most single-minded
Army modernizer since George Catlett Marshall. As Army chief of staff he
ended the individual replacement system, dating to 1917, which everyone
knew was destructive to unit cohesion but no one had had the will and
determination to replace. Ending the practice of heedlessly moving
individual soldiers in and out of units has produced the highest level
of unit readiness in modern history.
The Army has shifted from 11 unwieldy World War II-type divisions to 77
rapidly deployable brigades designed for modern war. This makes it more
deployable, more usable and more effective. Army modernization is being
extended by the creation of more Special Operations units and the Marine
Corps is being turned into a more effective organization for what I call
"the long war against the irreconcilable wing of Islam."
The Navy and Air Force have continued to shift toward unmanned vehicles,
more effective power projection and more sophisticated capabilities to
contain and deter China. The shift toward unmanned vehicles alone would
have been considered dramatic a decade ago. The development of new
submarine capability is a powerful tool as Chinese imports and seaborne
trade increase.
In terms of reshaping the Pentagon, the largest and most comprehensive
base closing in defense history was recently completed; it will yield
billions in savings. Under Rumsfeld's leadership, the Pentagon has also
reconfigured forces from Europe and Korea into more usable and effective
form. Furthermore, these changes have been made while increasing the
amount of training and cooperation undertaken with our allies.
At the Pentagon, the creation of the National Security Personnel System
-- which is being challenged in the courts -- is historic and vitally
necessary to the effective use of resources for national security. The
fact that it has been opposed by every labor union in the Defense
Department is one indication of how thorough and far-reaching it is.
There are a number of steps that have to be taken to modernize the
nondefense aspects of national security. As Senate Armed Services
Committee Chairman John Warner has noted, large segments of the civilian
government are not doing their job and in some cases are not even
showing up for their assignments. Rumsfeld is aware of these problems,
but it is hard to imagine that he could challenge other departments in a
public document such as the QDR.
The Post wrongly asserts that "Mr. Rumsfeld essentially proposes to
reinforce and perpetuate the greatest single mistake of his tenure,
which was failing to deploy enough soldiers to win the wars the United
States has taken on." In fact, there is no evidence that more troops
would have accomplished anything more than what was accomplished in
Afghanistan. The mistake in Iraq was not keeping the Iraqi regular army
intact to assume the responsibility of policing in June 2003. Additional
troops were not sent to Iraq for the very reason that military leaders
did not want to create an even bigger footprint leading to greater
alienation and hostility on the part of the Iraqi people.
Finally, The Post seems upset that some new weapons systems have not
been entirely eliminated. The F-22, for example, has been cut from 380
aircraft to 180, reflecting the low likelihood of major air battles
against a large and modern adversary. Yet there may come a morning when
-- facing a challenge in Iran, North Korea or potentially with China in
the Taiwan Straits -- the F-22 will prove its worth. The issue with
next-generation aircraft is not, as The Post asserts, a question of air
superiority but of survivability against antiaircraft missiles when
Russia's and other countries are prepared to sell their best systems to
a range of countries that oppose the United States. It is also true that
the Navy continues to build aircraft carriers. But carriers have been
modernized, and today's movable naval airfields are far more capable
than they were a generation ago.
Someone at The Post has a fixation on "weapons systems killed" as proof
of leadership ability in the Defense Department. That fixation reduces
change in national security to a narrow and inaccurate calculation.
Rumsfeld's second tour of duty as defense secretary marks a period of
dramatic change in which the United States has been simultaneously
fighting a global war against Islamic extremists, conducting campaigns
in Afghanistan and Iraq, making preparations to preempt North Korea and
Iran if necessary, undertaking strategies to contain China over the next
two decades, dramatically changing the structure and rhythm of the Army,
and beginning a revolution in both special operations capabilities and
unmanned vehicles. This is an extraordinary level of change, and the QDR
is best seen as one more building block in this new architecture of
21st-century American security.
The writer, a former speaker of the House, serves on the Defense Policy
Board, to which he was appointed by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/03/AR2006030301612.html?nav=hcmodule
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