[Mb-civic] Rove & Novak
Linda Hassler
lindahassler at sbcglobal.net
Wed Jul 20 10:02:59 PDT 2005
http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/071505Y.shtml
Karl Rove's America
By Paul Krugman
The New York Times
Friday 15 July 2005
John Gibson of Fox News says that Karl Rove should be given a
medal. I agree: Mr. Rove should receive a medal from the American
Political Science Association for his pioneering discoveries about
modern American politics. The medal can, if necessary, be delivered to
his prison cell.
What Mr. Rove understood, long before the rest of us, is that
we're not living in the America of the past, where even partisans
sometimes changed their views when faced with the facts. Instead, we're
living in a country in which there is no longer such a thing as
nonpolitical truth. In particular, there are now few, if any, limits to
what conservative politicians can get away with: the faithful will
follow the twists and turns of the party line with a loyalty that would
have pleased the Comintern.
I first realized that we were living in Karl Rove's America during
the 2000 presidential campaign, when George W. Bush began saying things
about Social Security privatization and tax cuts that were simply
false. At first, I thought the Bush campaign was making a big mistake -
that these blatant falsehoods would be condemned by prominent
Republican politicians and Republican economists, especially those who
had spent years building reputations as advocates of fiscal
responsibility. In fact, with hardly any exceptions they lined up to
praise Mr. Bush's proposals.
But the real demonstration that Mr. Rove understands American
politics better than any pundit came after 9/11.
Every time I read a lament for the post-9/11 era of national
unity, I wonder what people are talking about. On the issues I was
watching, the Republicans' exploitation of the atrocity began while
ground zero was still smoldering.
Mr. Rove has been much criticized for saying that liberals
responded to the attack by wanting to offer the terrorists therapy -
but what he said about conservatives, that they "saw the savagery of
9/11 and the attacks and prepared for war," is equally false. What many
of them actually saw was a domestic political opportunity - and none
more so than Mr. Rove.
A less insightful political strategist might have hesitated right
after 9/11 before using it to cast the Democrats as weak on national
security. After all, there were no facts to support that accusation.
But Mr. Rove understood that the facts were irrelevant. For one
thing, he knew he could count on the administration's supporters to
obediently accept a changing story line. Read the before-and-after
columns by pro-administration pundits about Iraq: before the war they
castigated the CIA for understating the threat posed by Saddam's
W.M.D.; after the war they castigated the CIA for exaggerating the very
same threat.
Mr. Rove also understands, better than anyone else in American
politics, the power of smear tactics. Attacks on someone who
contradicts the official line don't have to be true, or even plausible,
to undermine that person's effectiveness. All they have to do is get a
lot of media play, and they'll create the sense that there must be
something wrong with the guy.
And now we know just how far he was willing to go with these smear
tactics: as part of the effort to discredit Joseph Wilson IV, Mr. Rove
leaked the fact that Mr. Wilson's wife worked for the CIA I don't know
whether Mr. Rove can be convicted of a crime, but there's no question
that he damaged national security for partisan advantage. If a Democrat
had done that, Republicans would call it treason.
But what we're getting, instead, is yet another impressive
demonstration that these days, truth is political. One after another,
prominent Republicans and conservative pundits have declared their
allegiance to the party line. They haven't just gone along with the
diversionary tactics, like the irrelevant questions about whether Mr.
Rove used Valerie Wilson's name in identifying her (Robert Novak later
identified her by her maiden name, Valerie Plame), or the false, easily
refuted claim that Mr. Wilson lied about who sent him to Niger. They're
now a chorus, praising Mr. Rove as a patriotic whistle-blower.
Ultimately, this isn't just about Mr. Rove. It's also about Mr.
Bush, who has always known that his trusted political adviser - a
disciple of the late Lee Atwater, whose smear tactics helped President
Bush's father win the 1988 election - is a thug, and obviously made no
attempt to find out if he was the leaker.
Most of all, it's about what has happened to America. How did our
political system get to this point?
FEAR
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Go to Original
It's Clear the Leakers Knew What They Were Doing
By Josh Marshall
The Hill
Friday 15 July 2005
Strip away all the stress and fury on both sides of the aisle this
week and you'll find one key question at the heart of both the legal
and political storm surrounding the president's top political adviser.
That is, did Karl Rove and other top administration officials, for
whatever reason, knowingly reveal the identity of a covert CIA agent or
were they unaware of her covert status? As prosecutor Patrick
Fitzgerald would no doubt tell us if he were at liberty to speak,
divining, let alone proving, knowledge and intent in such a case is a
very tricky business. But there's a good bit of circumstantial evidence
pointing to the conclusion that Rove and others knew exactly what they
were doing.
Allow me to explain.
The best evidence for the "they knew" version of events has always
been the column that started it all - Robert Novak's July 14 column in
which he named Valerie Plame as "an agency operative on weapons of mass
destruction."
In intelligence jargon, "operative" has a very specific meaning.
It means a covert or clandestine officer. Novak's been a journalist for
50 years. So clearly he used that term because he knew Plame was
covert. And if he knew, the logical assumption is that he knew because
his sources - "two senior administration officials" - told him.
That much seemed clear. But not long after the Plame case stormed
onto the front pages almost two years ago, Novak changed his story. He
said that he made a mistake when he used the word "operative." He
didn't know she was covert, and neither did his sources.
Here's what he told Tim Russert in October 2003:
"The one thing I regret I wrote, I used the word 'operative,' and
I think Mr. [David] Broder ['Meet the Press' panelist] will agree that
I use the word too much. I use it about hat politicians. I use it about
people on the Hill. And if somebody did a Nexis search of my columns,
they'd find an overuse of 'operative.' I did not mean it. I don't know
what she did. But the indication given to me by this senior official
and another senior official I checked with was not that she was deep
undercover."
Is that really true? Was it just Novak's laziness or sloppiness
that started this whole train running down the tracks? Quite a lot
depends on the answer.
There's a good deal of circumstantial evidence - thus far largely
ignored - that points strongly to the conclusion that Novak is being
much less than honest.
First, consider timing. What Novak told Russert was not only after
the story had caught fire in the media but, probably even more
important, after it had spawned a Justice Department criminal
investigation.
What about what he said earlier? It turns out we have some good
evidence for that.
The first newspaper article written about Novak's role in exposing
a covert agent was a July 22, 2003, Newsday article by Timothy Phelps
and Newt Royce. That's about a week after Novak's column ran and well
before the story caught fire in Washington. The article focuses
squarely on the controversy over and damage caused by the exposure of
covert agent. Phelps and Royce interviewed Novak for the column, too.
And he said nothing about any misunderstanding about Plame's status.
What he told them was this: "I didn't dig it out. It was given to
me. They thought it was significant. They gave me the name and I used
it."
If Novak then thought he or his sources didn't know Plame was
covert, he didn't think to mention it. And it was the whole point of
the article he was being interviewed for.
Then there's another clue. Novak's story has always relied on the
belief that he committed a monumental act of sloppiness or carelessness
- a claim hard to credit about a reporter who's been doing this as long
as Novak.
As I said above, "operative" has a very specific meaning in
intelligence argot. So how does Novak usually use the word?
Not long after Novak's appearance on Russert's show, I used the
Nexis database to find all the examples I could in which Novak used the
word "operative" in the context of intelligence work or the CIA. Not
surprisingly, in every example I found he used the term "operative" to
refer to clandestine CIA officers. And that makes sense, since the term
has a specific meaning in the context and he's a veteran reporter.
Novak wants us to believe that on this one occasion he lapsed into
the colloquial meaning of the word and used it to mean no more than you
might if you were referring to a Democratic or Republican "operative."
With all due respect to Novak and his decades as a Washington reporter
- indeed, precisely because of them - that's just not credible.
There's no way to get inside someone else's mind. But all the
available evidence points to the conclusion that Novak's claims on
Russert and elsewhere are an after-the-fact attempt to get himself and
his sources out of a very uncomfortable bind.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Josh Marshall is editor of talkingpointsmemo.com. His column
appears in The Hill each week.
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