[Mb-civic] FW: How Iran's reformers lost their political way

[villasudjuan]

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From: Samii Shahla <shahla at thesamiis.com>
Date: Thu, 30 Jun 2005 20:40:52 -0400
Subject: How Iran's reformers lost their political way

The Christian Science Monitor

July 01, 2005 edition

How Iran's reformers lost their political way

By Scott Peterson | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

TEHRAN, IRAN - The Nobel Peace Prize winner could not be more emphatic about
the election that swept Iran's hard-liners into the president's office a
week ago.

"Nothing has changed in Iran," says human rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi, her
gaze unwavering as she sits in her modest basement office in Tehran. "Those
who were in power are still in power. Why should it get better? If it's been
bad up to now, it's going to be bad from now on."

Iran's unelected supreme religious leader still wields ultimate authority;
and hard-line ideologues and militants have successfully blocked, sometimes
violently, popular efforts to reform.

But while that political dynamic may not have changed, the movement that
propelled outgoing President Mohamad Khatami to his first landslide victory
in 1997 - borne upon promises of democracy, respect for human rights, and
more social freedom - is now unrecognizable.

Divided and now deeply resented, the reform camp has disintegrated, analysts
say, and is out of touch with Iranians who now rate rhetoric about freedom
below solutions to grave economic problems. Analysts, in fact, no longer
speak of a reform "movement" at all, but say that it has collapsed into an
agenda with little direction that will drive it into the future.

"I think you have to have bread in the first place, to eat, and talk of
freedom next," says Mrs. Ebadi, who has taken on some of the most
politically sensitive cases in Iran. "But can [president-elect Mahmoud]
Ahmadinejad give bread to the people? The president does not have much
power."

Those limits have been made clear during the tenure of Mr. Khatami, who,
many argue, became part of the problem for not standing up, early in his
presidency, when challenged by the hard-line judiciary and security services
who shut down newspapers and jailed opponents.

"Khatami did not provide leadership for the reformists - he was more like a
spokesman, and no one else had the authority or the mandate to lead," says
Nasser Hadian-Jazy, a US-educated political scientist at Tehran University.

"This election shows reformists out of touch with their constituents, and
shows that people can't eat human rights and democracy," says Mr.
Hadian-Jazy. "[I]t is no longer a movement ... its natural evolution will be
to a social democratic party. But they need grass-roots organization,
because they have lost touch with the people."

One reformist candidate, former parliament speaker Mehdi Karrubi, nearly
made it past Mr. Ahmadinejad into the second-round runoff, largely on a
pledge to hand out $60 per person per month.

But that was the only reformist nod to economic malaise. The campaigns of
candidates across the spectrum - except for that of Ahmadinejad - sought to
out-reform each other. That political reading could not have been more
wrong.

"This election brought an unprecedented broadening of political dialogue; a
lot of red lines were crossed," says Karim Sadjadpour, of the Brussels-based
International Crisis Group. "But that doesn't mean [reform] will cease to be
an elite movement. So how do you fill that gap between reform and the
people, and transfer this into a popular movement?"

"Now you have tens of millions of Iranians who share the ideals of reform,
but feel they have no political representation," says Mr. Sadjadpour. "The
Iranian street is like a sleeping elephant: this enormous reservoir of
energy and will for political, cultural, and social reform that is not being
tapped into right now."

Hoping to reassure reform-leaning voters, Ahmadinejad has begun to temper a
radical outlook. As Tehran mayor, he converted cultural centers into
mosques. But his culture adviser, Mehdi Kalhor, this week went further than
even reformists dared.

When asked about rumors of installing curtains on sidewalks to separate men
from women, Mr. Kalhor scoffed, saying that Ahmadinejad "wants everyone to
be joyful," and that his efforts aim to "prevent the government from
interfering in private lives."

Press clampdowns were over, Kalhor promised. He endorsed freedom of live
music - which has been tightly controlled - and the return to Iran of
singers and actors who play now-illegal music from exile. Satellite dishes -
also illegal - are "inseparable from people's lives," he said, and women are
"free to choose their dress."

But Kalhor retreated later, saying, "these are not the words of the
president," even as a hard-line parliamentarian called for a "cultural
revolution" to counter greater openness, and said the president should crack
down on "badly veiled" women wearing "unIslamic and immoral cloth."

Ebadi is in a good position to test any change, if it comes. Her image and
voice have been banned from TV for two decades. When she won the Nobel
Prize, state-run TV ignored it until mounting complaints led to a brief
mention 24 hours later, in an 11 p.m. broadcast. Hard-liners criticized her
for shaking the hand of the man who gave her the Nobel prize.

People may need bread before freedom, Ebadi says, but one can help gain the
other. "The reformists did not forget [the economy], but they had no power,"
she adds, adjusting her multicolored head scarf. "They cared about freedom
of speech very much, and if there is enough of it, you can reveal the
economic problems and corruption - so the bread will come."


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Copyright © 2005 The Christian Science Monitor. All rights reserved.

URL: http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0701/p04s01-wome.html?s=hns



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