[Mb-civic] Naomi Klein: Crime and Evidence
ean at sbcglobal.net
ean at sbcglobal.net
Sun Dec 5 20:16:56 PST 2004
You asked for my evidence, Mr Ambassador. Here it is
In Iraq, the US does eliminate those who dare to count the
dead
Naomi Klein
The Guardian : Saturday December 4, 2004
David T Johnson,
Acting ambassador,
US Embassy, London
Dear Mr Johnson, On November 26, your press counsellor sent a
letter to the Guardian taking strong exception to a sentence in my
column of the same day. The sentence read: "In Iraq, US forces and
their Iraqi surrogates are no longer bothering to conceal attacks on
civilian targets and are openly eliminating anyone - doctors, clerics,
journalists - who dares to count the bodies." Of particular concern
was the word "eliminating".
The letter suggested that my charge was "baseless" and asked the
Guardian either to withdraw it, or provide "evidence of this extremely
grave accusation". It is quite rare for US embassy officials to openly
involve themselves in the free press of a foreign country, so I took
the letter extremely seriously. But while I agree that the accusation
is grave, I have no intention of withdrawing it. Here, instead, is the
evidence you requested.
In April, US forces laid siege to Falluja in retaliation for the
gruesome killings of four Blackwater employees. The operation was
a failure, with US troops eventually handing the city back to
resistance forces. The reason for the withdrawal was that the siege
had sparked uprisings across the country, triggered by reports that
hundreds of civilians had been killed. This information came from
three main sources: 1) Doctors. USA Today reported on April 11
that "Statistics and names of the dead were gathered from four
main clinics around the city and from Falluja general hospital". 2)
Arab TV journalists. While doctors reported the numbers of dead, it
was al-Jazeera and al-Arabiya that put a human face on those
statistics. With unembedded camera crews in Falluja, both networks
beamed footage of mutilated women and children throughout Iraq
and the Arab-speaking world. 3) Clerics. The reports of high civilian
casualties coming from journalists and doctors were seized upon by
prominent clerics in Iraq. Many delivered fiery sermons condemning
the attack, turning their congregants against US forces and igniting
the uprising that forced US troops to withdraw.
US authorities have denied that hundreds of civilians were killed
during last April's siege, and have lashed out at the sources of these
reports. For instance, an unnamed "senior American officer",
speaking to the New York Times last month, labelled Falluja general
hospital "a centre of propaganda". But the strongest words were
reserved for Arab TV networks. When asked about al-Jazeera and
al-Arabiya's reports that hundreds of civilians had been killed in
Falluja, Donald Rumsfeld, the US secretary of defence, replied that
"what al-Jazeera is doing is vicious, inaccurate and inexcusable ... "
Last month, US troops once again laid siege to Falluja - but this
time the attack included a new tactic: eliminating the doctors,
journalists and clerics who focused public attention on civilian
casualties last time around.
Eliminating doctors
The first major operation by US marines and Iraqi soldiers was to
storm Falluja general hospital, arresting doctors and placing the
facility under military control. The New York Times reported that "the
hospital was selected as an early target because the American
military believed that it was the source of rumours about heavy
casual ties", noting that "this time around, the American military
intends to fight its own information war, countering or squelching
what has been one of the insurgents' most potent weapons". The
Los Angeles Times quoted a doctor as saying that the soldiers
"stole the mobile phones" at the hospital - preventing doctors from
communicating with the outside world.
But this was not the worst of the attacks on health workers. Two
days earlier, a crucial emergency health clinic was bombed to
rubble, as well as a medical supplies dispensary next door. Dr Sami
al-Jumaili, who was working in the clinic, says the bombs took the
lives of 15 medics, four nurses and 35 patients. The Los Angeles
Times reported that the manager of Falluja general hospital "had
told a US general the location of the downtown makeshift medical
centre" before it was hit.
Whether the clinic was targeted or destroyed accidentally, the effect
was the same: to eliminate many of Falluja's doctors from the war
zone. As Dr Jumaili told the Independent on November 14: "There is
not a single surgeon in Falluja." When fighting moved to Mosul, a
similar tactic was used: on entering the city, US and Iraqi forces
immediately seized control of the al-Zaharawi hospital.
Eliminating journalists
The images from last month's siege on Falluja came almost
exclusively from reporters embedded with US troops. This is
because Arab journalists who had covered April's siege from the
civilian perspective had effectively been eliminated. Al-Jazeera had
no cameras on the ground because it has been banned from
reporting in Iraq indefinitely. Al-Arabiya did have an unembedded
reporter, Abdel Kader Al-Saadi, in Falluja, but on November 11 US
forces arrested him and held him for the length of the siege. Al-
Saadi's detention has been condemned by Reporters Without
Borders and the International Federation of Journalists. "We cannot
ignore the possibility that he is being intimidated for just trying to do
his job," the IFJ stated.
It's not the first time journalists in Iraq have faced this kind of
intimidation. When US forces invaded Baghdad in April 2003, US
Central Command urged all unembedded journalists to leave the
city. Some insisted on staying and at least three paid with their lives.
On April 8, a US aircraft bombed al-Jazeera's Baghdad offices,
killing reporter Tareq Ayyoub. Al-Jazeera has documentation
proving it gave the coordinates of its location to US forces.
On the same day, a US tank fired on the Palestine hotel, killing José
Couso, of the Spanish network Telecinco, and Taras Protsiuk, of
Reuters. Three US soldiers are facing a criminal lawsuit from
Couso's family, which alleges that US forces were well aware that
journalists were in the Palestine hotel and that they committed a war
crime.
Eliminating clerics
Just as doctors and journalists have been targeted, so too have
many of the clerics who have spoken out forcefully against the
killings in Falluja. On November 11, Sheik Mahdi al-Sumaidaei, the
head of the Supreme Association for Guidance and Daawa, was
arrested. According to Associated Press, "Al-Sumaidaei has called
on the country's Sunni minority to launch a civil disobedience
campaign if the Iraqi government does not halt the attack on
Falluja". On November 19, AP reported that US and Iraqi forces
stormed a prominent Sunni mosque, the Abu Hanifa, in Aadhamiya,
killing three people and arresting 40, including the chief cleric -
another opponent of the Falluja siege. On the same day, Fox News
reported that "US troops also raided a Sunni mosque in Qaim, near
the Syrian border". The report described the arrests as "retaliation
for opposing the Falluja offensive". Two Shia clerics associated with
Moqtada al-Sadr have also been arrested in recent weeks;
according to AP, "both had spoken out against the Falluja attack".
"We don't do body counts," said General Tommy Franks of US
Central Command. The question is: what happens to the people
who insist on counting the bodies - the doctors who must pronounce
their patients dead, the journalists who document these losses, the
clerics who denounce them? In Iraq, evidence is mounting that
these voices are being systematically silenced through a variety of
means, from mass arrests, to raids on hospitals, media bans, and
overt and unexplained physical attacks.
Mr Ambassador, I believe that your government and its Iraqi
surrogates are waging two wars in Iraq. One war is against the Iraqi
people, and it has claimed an estimated 100,000 lives. The other is
a war on witnesses.
· Additional research by Aaron Maté
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